INTRODUCTION
For more than 80 years, elections, American politicians have
based their campaigns on the promise of change. Let's make
change! Lets make wonderful improvements in things.
Bill Clinton was elected on the promise of change--that he would
make wonderful improvements in America. Two years later
Republicans took congress on promise of change--that they would
make wonderful improvements in American. Both Barack Obama
and John McCain campaigned on the promise of "change."
But is change really such a good thing? Personally, I don't
much like change. My general rule: all change is bad, but
some changes bring more than enough good to make up for the
bad.
Now in France, even more than in the united states, the major
theme in politics seems to be the promise of change. For
more than two hundred years, the French have been tinkering with
their government, constantly making changes, making wonderful
improvements in their form of government. Unfortunately,
quite often these "wonderful improvements" turn out not to be so
wonderful after all. The greatest example of this: the
French Revolution.
[The "wonderful
improvements" phrase I borrow from Oscar's Wilde's The Importance of Being
Earnest. At one point in the play, John says to
Algernon, "But a common cold isn't hereditary. You said so
yourself," to which Algy replies, "It usen't to be I know,
but I dare say it is now. Modern science is always making
wonderful improvements in things." I love the line: modern
society (not just modern science), does constantly make
"wonderful improvements" that turn out not to be so wonderful.]
The French have had many Revolution in the last couple of
centuries, but the French Revolution, the big one, is the
revolution that began in 1789. And ended? In 1795
perhaps? Or 1799?? Or 1804??? How about 1815?? Or is it over even
yet? For this class, we'll treat the French Revolution as
the entire period between 1789 and 1815, a period of enormous
change in French government. I will highlight four phases of
the revolution. You should know the changes made in each
phase and why these changes might not have been so wonderful after
all.
II. REASONS FOR CHANGE
It's easy to see why French would want to make some changes in 1789:
1. There was much poverty and suffering in France.
Intense poverty afflicted perhaps a third of the population, with
many so poor they couldn't even afford a pair of shoes.
Largely because of poverty, there were 25,000 prostitutes in the
city of Paris alone (a city of 350,000 people at the time).
This tells you all sorts of negative things about France.
Women generally don't resort to prostitution if there is a viable
opportunity, and such a high rate of prostitution points to a
situation where many women are in a truly desperate financial
situation. Further, a high prostitution rate indicates that,
for many of the French (men as well as women) the dream of a
stable marriage was an impossible dream. Many men couldn't afford
to marry and support a wife and children. And this was a
problem. For most people in most of human history, the
single factor most important in determining whether or not they
will be satisfied with life is their ability to form a a stable
marriage. When men don't have this hope, they become
angry--and potential canon fodder for a revolutionary
movement. [The
contrast between rich and poor was a real grievance as
well. Had France been a poor country, poor people might
have better accepted their lot. But France was relatively
rich, probably the richest country in Europe.] But such
conditions generally won't produce a revolution unless more
privileged people are unhappy as well. And there were in
France many relatively privileged people who were unhappy with
France as it was..
2. Taxation was a real problem in France. While
rulers like Henry IV and Louis XIV had to a certain extent fixed
the "tax farmer" problem, they hadn't fixed the tax fairness
problem. Nobles and clergy, the most privileged people in France,
were exempt from taxes. For the "commons" (everyone from the
wealthiest merchant to the poorest peasant) this seemed obviously
unfair. Perceived unfairness in taxation is one of the
things that make people angry enough to demand change--perhaps
even revolutionary change. Look at the American Revolution!
3. Another reason for change was the fact that the
French military was not doing so well. France lost the Seven
Years War/French and Indian War, and this meant the loss of French
Canada. But it also meant that the French had to worry about
the possibility at least of invasion and all the horrible things
that might mean.
4. Another problem was that the French church was
filled with corruption. The church was incredibly rich, and
that should have been good, since much of what we today associate
with government was then the responsibility of the church.
Education, medical care, and relief for the poor were primarily
church responsibilities. but the vast wealth of the church
wasn't devoted to this kind of thing. Instead, high church
officials (bishops, abbots, etc.) pocketed much of the money and
lived like the nobles--which, in fact, many of them were.
This left the actual work of the church in the hands of poorly
paid parish clergy who did their best, but seldom had the
resources they needed.
5. Even then, France probably would have had no
revolution had there been a body to bring about peaceful change,
the equivalent of the English parliament. France had no such
representative body. Well, theoretically, they did. There
was the Estates General, a group comprised of representatives of
the three "estates" in France: clergy, nobles, and commons.
The problem was that the estates general hadn't met in over 100
years! Absolute monarchs like Louis XIV hadn't felt they
needed its advice.
6. And, even then, there might not have been a
revolution in France had there not been a weak, indecisive king on
the throne, Louis XVI. Louis wasn't the type of man who
could make absolute monarchy work, the decisive type of person
Louis XIV had been. One example: the idea of taxing
nobles. At one point, Louis decided he was in fact going to
start asking nobles to pay their fair share of taxes. But he
was soon talked out doing so. Naturally enough, this kind of
back-and-forth policy made people mad. Louis' indecisiveness
was really costly when it came to the events that actual touched
off the Revolution.
[Another factor leading to revolution in
France was centralization. Beginning earlier, but
accelerating with the reign of Louis XIV, power and wealth
concentrated in the city of Paris. High church officials
were nowhere near the parishes where they belonged. Nobles
were nowhere near their domains. The small communities of
France, which had an element of democracy, were no longer
governed by their local "parlements." ]
III. START OF REVOLUTION
In 1789, Louis, not knowing how else to address French problems,
called for a meeting of the Estates General. Since this
group hadn't met in 100 years, no one really was sure how it was
supposed to operate, or even how the votes were to be
distributed. Some said: 1/3 of the votes for clergy, 1/3 for
nobles, 1/3 for the commons. The commons, however, wanted
what they called a doubling of the third: 1/3 for the clergy, 1/3
for the nobles and 2/3 for the commons. Of course, that
doesn't add up. What they meant was 1/4 for clergy, 1/4 for
nobles, and 1/2 of the votes for the commons.
.
Would the third get doubled or not? If Louis had
decided either way, the Estates General might have had a chance of
success. Instead, the estates general went nowhere.
Finally, many of the commons (joined by some nobles and some
clergy) broke away from the Estates General and started meeting on
their own, calling themselves the National Assembly. They
began to act as if they were the legitimate representatives of the
people of France, and debated ideas for improving the
country.
However, it looked like Louis might send in troops to
disperse the National Assembly. What to do? Well,
leaders of the National Assembly stirred up the Paris mob and led
that mob to the Bastille, an old French fortress at the time used
as an armory and as a prison. The mob eventually takes the
Bastille, slaughters its garrison, and turns itself into a fairly
heavily armed mob. Time for Louis to call out the troops and
restore order! But not Louis: he starts treating the NA as
if it really were the legitimate legislative body of France!
IV. THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY (1789-92)
[Note: many texts divide the
National Assembly period into two phases, the "Constituent
Assembly" and the "Legislative Assembly."]
With Louis' reluctant support, the NA begins to make many wonderful improvements:
While some of these changes seem good, no one in France was
really happy.
V. THE CONVENTION (1792-1795)
The National Convention also made many wonderful improvements in
France--or at least what radicals thought were wonderful
improvements. The goal of these people was to set up a
"Republic of Virtue," a society like that dreamed of by Jean
Jacques Rousseau, a society which would express the general will
of the people. Remember that Rousseau said we create the
perfect society, not by changing ourselves, but by changing the
laws, by changing society itself. And this is what the
radicals set out to do.
Their dominant figure of the convention was a man named
Robespierre, a very persuasive speaker whom some regarded as
something like the "lawgiver" described by Rousseau, a man who
knew exactly how things should go.
Robespierre told the assembled members of the convention that they had an immense task before them: "French republicans, it is your task to purify the earth, which the tyrants have defiled."
For Cromwell's Puritans, purification had meant getting rid of
all traces of Catholicism. For Robespierre's Convention,
purification meant getting rid of every trace of monarchy.
Here's what they did:
[As it turns out, the metric system, while
adopted by the Convention, started as an initiative of the
National Assembly, not the Convention. Credit should go to
Jean-Charles de Borda, Joseph-Louis Lagrange, Pierre-Simon
Laplace, Gaspard Monge and Nicolas de Condorcet.]
Not surprisingly, many didn't like these changes, particularly in the Bordeaux and Lyon regions of France. In these regions, some were loyal to the Bourbon monarchs. Others liked the constitution of National Assembly. Most were loyal to the Catholic church. As a result, they resisted the Convention's changes, and this led to civil war in France. This civil war, as most civil wars, was filled with atrocities. It was particularly horrible because the Convention forces believed they were fighting to create a Republic of Virtue, that they had that chance that comes along once in a thousand years to create a good government, and that they were justified in doing anything necessary to create that government.
In some regions of France, they wiped out as much as 1/3 the population. At least 200,000 Frenchmen were killed in these civil wars. Treatment of non-combatants was horrible. Children were routinely killed, women were raped and killed. The victims bodies were frequently mutilated in horrible ways. This was a deliberate use of terror. The Convention forces performed "Republican marriages," they loaded barges with people and sunk them. Women, children, and old people were forced to kneel by pits, shot, and shoved into the pits.[The behavior of the Convention forces was
not as bad as I make it sound in class. No, it was far,
far worse. If you have a strong stomach, you might take a
look at this description of Convention
atrocities.]
All in name of general will of people!
But you see, task of purification not complete if France alone purified. The radicals of the Convention supposed it necessary to purify the earth, to spread their views to rest of Europe. They created a new, improved army, introducing universal conscription. The army was told it was fighting for "liberty, equality, and fraternity"--even they were even more fanatical than Cromwell's Puritans.
The radicals were fighting on two kinds of war: civil war within, foreign wars on the borders. But even in Paris itself, the city that first supported the wonderful improvements of the radicals--all was not well. There were (amazingly enough) people in Paris who did not support the values of the revolution. And this was dangerous: these malcontents could sabotage a movement that was destined to change the world. So, one more wonderful improvement.
The Convention established a "Committee of Public Safety," a committee whose job it was to seek out and destroy the enemies of the revolution. But, unfortunately, there were enemies everywhere: hundreds of them, maybe thousands of them. And so you needed a way of dealing with all of these enemies. How about...the guillotine.Surely here was a very wonderful improvement. The guillotine was humane: people could be killed without as little pain as possible. The guillotine was efficient: one could kill people more quickly than one could haul the bodies away. And the guillotine was frightening. This period in French history is rightly called the "Reign of Terror," because of the deliberate use of frightful punishments for those who dared oppose the revolution. Within a year, twenty thousand people had gone to the guillotine.
"Yes, but they were nobles and clergy. They had it coming."
Nope. Only around 15% of those executed were nobles or clergyman. The vast majority of those executed were ordinary people. Ordinary people who supported the Bourbon monarchs. Ordinary people who criticized the Convention. Ordinary people who refuse to compromise their religious beliefs. Or ordinary people who were simply unlucky, for while the guillotine's victims were given trials, the trials were summary at best, and the charges which seemed to merit execution, trivial in the extreme. One person was executed for "thoughtless indifference to the Revolution." Another was executed for "not losing much sleep over the Revolution."
Stupid? No: diabolically clever. This forced people to go out of their way to prove that they were not thoughtlessly indifferent. How did you do that? You wore the clothes of the revolution, shouted the slogans of the Revolution, sang the songs of the Revolution, and went to every event proclaiming the glories of the Revolution. The strategy adopted by the Convention created the illusion of overwhelming public support for the Revolution, making resistance seem futile.
But now there was a problem. It was clear that, under the new conditions people might look, and sound like supporters of the Revolution, but (secretly) they might be its enemies. Even people who looked like revolutionaries might by plotting to undermine the glorious changes taking place. Why, even in the Convention and even on the Committee of Public Safety itself there might be enemies of the Revolution. Why, yes. There was Danton: a tiny bit more conservative than Robespierre: clearly an enemy of the Revolution. And there was Hebert, a tiny bit more radical than Robespierre: clearly an enemy of the Revolution. Robespierre denounced these traitors: and to the guillotine they went. But now, who is safe? A little to the right of Robespierre and you're dead. A little to the left of Robespierre, and you're dead. And so the logical thing to do is get rid of Robespierre. Almost overnight, the Convention goes from idolizing Robespierre to condemning him to death.
And now, without the guiding voice of Robespierre, the Convention
is at a loss. What to do? Why, one more wonderful
improvement. The Convention votes itself out of existence,
making way for a new phase of the Revolution, an phase dominated
by what is called the Directory.
VI. THE DIRECTORY (1795-1799)
The Directory made many improvements. They gave France a new constitution: an elected legislature would work with a five-man board of directors. They gave the French people a new bill of rights. They negotiated treaties with Austria, Prussia, and Britain, giving France a temporary peace. They ended the reign of terror.
However, the peace treaties broke down. Inflation ran out
of control. Government officials were either corrupt or
incompetent, and the work of government was carried out
effectively. Civil war and riots in the provinces
continued. And so the Directory made one more wonderful
improvement. They appointed three men as "consuls," giving
these three men special authority to deal with all the problems
France faced. This improvement worked: too well!
VII. NAPOLEON (1799-1815)
One of the three consuls was Napoleon Bonaparte. Napoleon used his emergency powers quite effectively, helping to end the civil war within France and securing some impressive military successes against France's enemies. Napoleon's status as a war hero put him in a position to ask for more. He proposed a new constitution, a constitution that would give him even more power as "First Consul."
Napoleon's constitution won a massive vote of confidence. Fewer than 2,000 Frenchman voted against the constitution. Over 3,000,000 voted for it. And with this popular mandate, Napoleon proceeded to make some wonderful improvements in France.
He reformed government, cleaning up some of the corruption and incompetence. He reformed education, creating military and technical schools and (I think) the lycee system. He reformed the legal system, creating the Code Napoleon: a comprehensive but concise set of laws for all of France.
And now that France was organized, it was time for the rest of the world to watch out.
Napoleon used the old watchwords: liberty, equality, fraternity. But now the fanatical French troops were led by one of the greatest minds in military history. In short order, liberty, equality, and fraternity had been spread to Spain, Italy, Germany, Holland.... Everywhere his troops went, Napoleon set up representative governments and promised people certain fundamental rights.
An all around good guy making truly wonderful improvements? Not quite.
Napoleon wanted more. In 1804 (with the support of the French people, by the way), he crowned himself emperor of France. He began installing his family members on the various thrones of Europe, turning the Bonaparts into a dynasty like the Hapsburgs.
But Napoleon was worried. Although he and his family dominated Europe, their were potential threats from both Britain and Russia. If either could be disposed of, Napoleon felt confident of lasting success. Britain proved too tough a nut: the defeat of the French navy at Trafalger ended any hope Napoleon might have had of dominating Britain. But the Russian threat might be dealt with.
In 1812, Napoleon invaded Russian with an army of 600,000
men. The Russians adopted a clever strategy. Instead
of meeting Napoleon head-on, they retreated--but while they
retreated, they destroyed the lands through which the French
marched. Napoleon got all the way to Moscow--but the Russian
burned the city, and Napoleon found himself in an impossible
position. Winter set in, and Napoleon's troops were forced
to try to make it back to France. The Russian armies
attacked the retreating French. By the time he got back
home, Napoleon had only 100,000 men left. He had lost
half-a-million men killed, captured or wounded.
It didn't stop him, though. He formed a new army, an army soon defeated at the Battle of Nations. He went into exile, but then returned to France and formed a new army. This army was eventually destroyed at the famous battle of Waterloo. Napoleon was forced into exile again.
The allies that defeated Napoleon had had enough of French
aggression, and they blamed the 26 years of European war primarily
on the French experiments in government. At their
insistence, the French in 1815 turned back to the Bourbon
monarchs. Louis the XVIII took the throne. And so,
after 26 years of "wonderful improvements," where were the
French? Almost right back where they started. Pretty
impressive.